Brief Report from WFUNA Plenary Assembly Seoul 10-13 August 2009
Dr Gari Donn, UNA-UK and UNA Edinburgh
Attended by 48 delegations, 120 delegates
Sunday 9 August arrival and registration
Monday 10 August start of PA
Plenary Session : Opening Ceremony addressed by
President of UNA Korea (incoming President of WFUNA) - Mr Kim Seung Youn
President of WFUNA – Dr Hans Blix
Prime Minister of the Republic of South Korea – Dr Han Seung-soo
UN Secretary-General – Mr Ban Ki-moon
Plenary Session : Panel on 4 Policy Issues
• Sustainable Development
• Peace and Disarmament
• Human Rights
• UN Reform
Followed by Workshops on these 4 policy issues
Tuesday 11 August and Wednesday 12 August
Commissions: Seoul Declaration (Policy Issues); Organisational and Communication Issues
Within Commission on Seoul Declaration (Policy Issues) discussions on
i) World without Nuclear Weapons. UNA-UK resolution jointly submitted by UNA-USA and UNA-Ireland
ii) Climate Change
iii) Human Rights
iv) Sustainable Development and the MDGs
Seoul Declaration (to be forwarded) includes results of discussions on these four policy areas. It also includes the Resolution on World without Nuclear Weapons
Issues arising from the Plenary Assembly of relevance to UNA Edinburgh:
1. Joint activity with a number of UNAs interested in WWNW
2. Joint activity with a number of UNAs interested in MUNGAs - Japan; New Zealand; Nigeria
3. Possible speakers from WFUNA members when they come to UK
4. UNA-Israel very concerned at UNA-Edinburgh and UNA-Iran co-operation. Invitation to UNA-Edinburgh to visit Israel
5. Incoming Secretary-General of WFUNA, Mr Bonian Golmohammadi
WFUNA Conference at Seoul 9-13 August 2009
Plenary Session Two: Peace and Disarmament
Paper presented by Dr Gari Donn, UNA-UK, Convenor UNA Edinburgh
It is a great privilege to be here today, speaking with representatives of the world’s United Nations Associations. Many have come vast distances to attend this 39th Plenary Assembly: but however far the distance we have travelled, we all come to promote the UN and its work - to promote tolerance and understanding, and to contribute to the removal of obstacles to peace, security, disarmament.
It is our responsibility to ensure that after our Plenary, the governments of the UN know that we, we the people, are arguing for and forcefully supporting their commitments to nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. Their Responsibility to Protect is at one with our affirmation of the indisputable links between human security, peace, development and human rights. They, like us, must support the UN goal for global peace, justice and prosperity and recognise that it depends, essentially, upon international cooperation between global citizens.
Ours is a world of change. Was it just four years ago the 2005 Review Conference on the Treaty on Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons could not even agree on its Agenda? None of the steps towards nuclear disarmament to which nuclear weapons states had committed themselves in 1995 and 2000 were implemented. And in the run-up to the UN Reform Summit of 2005, were many proposals for strengthening the non-proliferation regime. Yet none were accepted.
But change is upon us as we move tentatively towards the 2010 Review Conference. The Preparatory Committee meetings held in May, attended by 135 States parties, resulted in an Agenda being agreed with items on the operation and implementation of the Treaty as well as on assurances embedded in the Treaty.
The Eighth Review Conference is the chance to change the world still further. It is a chance to move significantly towards disarmament and non-proliferation. Yet, disagreements can, so easily, take over unless we maintain momentum on the world’s leaders. They need to know that we mean business when it comes to peace, security and disarmament.
We addressed some of these issues at our UNA Edinburgh One Day Conference on Civil Society and Nuclear Non-Proliferation, which was held at the Scottish Parliament last April. Speakers representing China, Russia, India as well as various NGOs from the UK, discussed the issues underpinning success for the 2010 Review.
Notable must be the ways in which North Korea and Iran are addressed. In the case of the former, North Korea having withdrawn from the NPT in 2003, a diplomatic dialogue has commenced between the six key players – China, Russia, the US, South Korea, Japan and North Korea. In relation to Iran the 3+3 group (France, Germany and the UK + US, Russia and China) have attempted dialogue but, as with dialogue on North Korea, there has been little progress. Both countries, situated in regions of tension and fragility, need to be inserted into geo-political frameworks which provide for non-interference confidence-building measures and economic cooperation.
Another set of issues underpinning any success to be achieved at the Review Conference concerns steps to bring the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty into force, negotiations for a Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty and support for universal application of the IAEA’s Additional Protocol.
The CTBT must have ratification from the US, China and India. In a significant change in US policy, President Obama has said ‘it is time for the testing of nuclear weapons to be banned’. Other countries must be encouraged to also follow that resolve.
The FMCT would ensure that there is no widespread construction of uranium enrichment and spent fuel reprocessing facilities, often seen as the route to nuclear weapons capability. It will allow nuclear energy development without the risks of nuclear proliferation by guaranteeing nuclear fuel services to bone fide civil nuclear users.
And in terms of the IAEA’s Additional Protocol, under which states are obliged to declare and report on their entire life cycle of their nuclear industries, there needs to be universal application to allow for and strengthen the right for, sometimes intrusive, international inspections.
Of course one of the key concerns must be the fact that the NPT originally established unequal sets of obligations on the nuclear weapons states and the non-nuclear weapons states. Whilst we can applaud the pledge by the US and Russia, signed in Moscow in July, to agree the phased reduction of some of their nuclear warheads, there is immense scope for further agreements on strategic missiles and even on whole categories of weapons. Such was one dynamic era of disarmament - at the end of the 1980’s - with the elimination of intermediate range missiles.
At our Scottish Parliament Conference, the Russian Federation delegate affirmed his country’s commitment to Article VI of the NPT, and the goal of ridding the world of nuclear weapons. He argued forcefully for the Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty and noted that Russia stopped production of fissile material over ten years ago. The last remaining reactor producing weapons-grade plutonium is planned to be stopped in 2010.
But steps towards nuclear disarmament cannot be confined to the US and Russia. They must extend to the other three nuclear weapons states, China, France and the UK. An adoption of the No First Use commitment by recognised nuclear weapons states is an initial and essential move. Indeed, as the China delegate at our Conference stated, ‘all nuclear weapon states should promise, like China has already, not to be the first to use nuclear weapons, and not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear weapons states or nuclear weapons-free zones. Nuclear weapons states should reduce the role of these weapons in their national strategy and stop research and development of new types of nuclear weapons.’
In terms of non-proliferation, there are added problems to consider with three nuclear weapons possessing countries which have never signed the NPT - Israel, India and Pakistan. It will be important to maintain the pressure for a nuclear weapons-free Middle East which may also reduce Israeli-Arab tensions; and, for improved India-Pakistan relations, to address the dispute over Kashmir with its geo-political confrontations.
At our Scottish Parliament Conference, India’s General Raghavan, and expert advisor to the International Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament, said that effective disarmament must enhance the security of all States and not merely that of a few. He noted that at the Conference on Disarmament in 2008, India proposed a seven-point agenda for disarmament, including support for No First Use; no use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear weapons states; negotiations for a convention on the complete prohibition of the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons; and negotiations for a nuclear convention prohibiting development, stockpiling and production of nuclear weapons moving towards a global non-discriminatory and verifiable elimination of these weapons. Through these agenda commitments, General Raghavan said, India has subjected itself to the provisions of the NPT. India’s approach to nuclear disarmament, nuclear non-proliferation and arms control is to recognise the close synergy between all three. India hopes that the 2010 Review will produce recommendations reinvigorating non-proliferation.
As we move towards the Review Conference we must keep pressure on governments to promote the importance of disarmament and non-proliferation. They must be encouraged to provide substantial support for negotiators and to hold onto the sometimes difficult decisions that will need to be taken.
This is our task as we meet here today, our task as members of the World Federation of UNAs. It is not the getting to the 2010 Review that is the real issue now; rather it is the continuous progress that needs to be made, and supported, in the months and years after 2010. Progress involves all governments shifting defence strategy from nuclear weapons (whether or not they actually possess these weapons of mass destruction) and conflict agendas, to a ‘culture of peace’ and inter-cultural dialogue.
To that end, we urge governments to promote peace: to increase commitments to the UN’s efforts in conflict prevention and resolution - including greater participation by women - and to the crucial roles undertaken by UN Peacekeeping Forces. We advocate the signing and ratification by all UN Member States of the Cluster Munitions Convention and the establishment of an international arms trade treaty. Finally, we urge governments to support the UN Peacebuilding Fund and the Peacebuilding Commission, which will reduce the likelihood of states slipping back into conflict.
These are our challenges. And, together, in this wonderful World Federation of UNAs, we can achieve them. As others have said so well, ‘Yes we can’.
Resolution: nuclear non-proliferation and multilateral disarmament
Proposed by: UNA UK
Co-sponsored by:
Towards a world without nuclear weapons
In this resolution we ask Conference to support our call for global reductions in the stockpiles of nuclear weapons held by nuclear-weapons states and confirmation of the commitment to ‘no first use’. It is a fortuitous time to be discussing global reductions, with the Presidents of both USA and Russia (having between them 95% of the world’s nuclear weapons) agreeing to reduce their countries’ nuclear arsenals. When they met in Europe on 6 July this year, both Presidents pledged to reduce their respective stockpiles quite significantly and stressed the importance of maintaining this momentum.
Indeed, in his speech in Prague on 5 April, President Obama said, the existence of thousands of nuclear weapons is the most dangerous legacy of the Cold War – he wants the US to start working for ‘Global Zero’. But our resolution not only focuses upon the weapons held by the US and Russia, but also upon those held by other NPT signatory countries, China, France and the UK, the non-signatory countries possessing nuclear weapons, Israel, Pakistan and India as well as those countries apparently wishing to acquire nuclear technology – North Korea and Iran
It is so important for us to recognise that the debate, now, is not just about reducing nuclear weapons stockpiles. It is also about, as President Obama said, the moral responsibility to act for non-proliferation with patience and perseverance for a world of peace and progress. So we need to think laterally: to work for non-proliferation and disarmament, we need to address seriously the geo-political crises of Kashmir and Palestine and the heart-felt security issues of the Middle East region.
These and other immensely important issues were addressed on 16 April, at our UNA Edinburgh One Day Conference on Civil Society and Nuclear Non Proliferation, held at the Scottish Parliament. Speakers representing China, Russia, India as well as various NGOs from the UK, discussed the importance of making the 2010 Review of the NPT a success. At that Conference, we noted the crucial role of civil society and know that here, at a gathering of a global body representing the world’s UNAs, you will agree that civil society has a key role to play in moving governments towards a world without nuclear weapons.
We ask for your support – the support of global civil society – in accepting our resolution with its five specific agendas.
1. to bring the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty into force, and especially have ratification from the US, China and India. In a significant change in US policy, President Obama has said ‘it is time for the testing of nuclear weapons to be banned’. Other countries must be encouraged to also follow that resolve.
2. to negotiate a treaty to end verifiably the production of fissile material. If we really wish to stop the spread of these weapons, this must be the first step. A Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty would ensure that there is no widespread construction of uranium enrichment and spent fuel reprocessing facilities, often seen as the route to nuclear weapons capability.
3. to achieve universal application of the IAEA’s Additional Protocol, to allow for and strengthen the right for international inspections.
4. to strengthen the Security Council’s ‘negative security assurances’ to non-nuclear weapons states, adopted at the time of the 1995 NPT Review conference. In 2004, Kofi Annan’s High Level Review Panel recommended that the Security Council should explicitly pledge to take collective action in response to any nuclear attack or the threat of such an attack on a non-nuclear weapons state. Five years on, this may be the time to take forward the recommendation.
5. to set up an international fuel bank that guarantees access to civil nuclear power without increasing the risks of proliferation. Currently there are numerous schemes on the table in Vienna. These need to be reduced to just one with global support.
We know how important civil society is in making these demands real. If nothing else, the past 60 years have shown us that without pressure from their people, governments will continue in the behaviour they have grown accustomed to. When nations and peoples allow themselves to be defined by their differences, the gulf between them widens. When we fail to pursue peace, then it stays forever beyond our grasp. Governments, therefore, need to be encouraged and pressurised to change their nuclear policies; they need to move into new definitions of security.
International, global civil society organisations, such as our own WFUNA, have the task of continuing to tell governments that strategic security is achievable without nuclear arms; that nuclear weapons, weapons of - really - the very last resort, must not be built into normal strategies of military response. In fact, as so many military strategists have said, they should not be part of normal military strategy. One such person, Field Marshall Lord Bramall, the former head of the UK’s armed forces, said, ‘nuclear weapons have shown themselves to be completely useless as a deterrent to the threats and scale of violence we currently, or are likely to, face – the more you analyse them, the more unusable they appear.’ Nuclear arms make a nation, make a region, not more but less secure.
We ask Conference to support our Resolution
GD 23/7/2009